Georgina Gollock was a key figure in the development of what came to be termed “World Christianity,” a description that has come to denote the global impact of mission endeavours. Although Georgina had vital roles in leading mission bodies, her contribution has been neglected compared to that of male colleagues such as John Mott, the international student, missionary, and ecumenical leader. Dana Robert writes: “Georgina Gollock was one of the most influential women in the formative period of twentieth-century World Christianity . . . As the British and Irish missionary movement coalesced and expanded in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Georgina Gollock was the first and often only woman in the room.”1 This essay explores her particular work in the Anglican Church Missionary Society, where she became Lady Secretary; her contribution from 1912 as a writer and speaker and as an editor of the International Review of Missions; and her further international leadership in the International Missionary Council.
Georgina lived until her mid-twenties in southern Ireland as part of a land-owning Protestant family, becoming a committed member of the Church of Ireland and later, in London, of the Church of England. In a book Georgina wrote in 1930, Heroes of Health, she described her early life in the countryside near Cork, and then her move into the environs of the city of Cork, where she found “a new world of books.”2 Her favourite library room was “Natural Science.” She was intrigued as she read about plants and creatures that were invisible to the human eye but could be seen through a microscope, so she obtained a microscope. She was especially impressed by scientists who dedicated their lives to discovering ways disease spreads and how that can be prevented. All of this helped to develop Georgina’s faith. The scientific commitment to health inspired her, and she was led to the message of the NT about how Jesus brought health. Following Jesus was to be central to her life and work.
A Voice and a Vocation
Georgina’s mother, Mary, was deeply involved in developing an awareness in her daughters, Georgina and Minna, of the needs of others and opportunities to serve.3 Along with this, Georgina was developing what would be one of her major skills: writing. By the latter part of 1884, Georgina had found an outlet for her voice through the newly launched monthly magazine of the Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA), Our Own Gazette. At age twenty-three, she became a recognised writer for the Gazette, and over the next three years her articles either had scientific subjects as their main focus or else were stories of individuals and families, typically highlighting the role of young women. In 1887, Georgina had reached a stage in her writing where she was the major writer for the Gazette. This gave her unrivalled opportunity to influence young women who were in touch with the YWCA. The circulation reached 100,000.4 It was then that Georgina’s life changed in a significant way: she and Minna moved from Ireland to England.
A number of new areas now emerged for Georgina and Minna. Neither had been involved in much public speaking previously, but this became an increasing feature of their lives. They came to be known as impressive speakers. Georgina was still giving considerable time to writing. Over 1892–1893 she would publish three books, almost certainly books on which she had been working at the end of the 1880s. She was also speaking in connection with the YWCA, as was Minna. Another new area was the encouragement of female school teachers. In the summer of 1888, Georgina and Minna were staying in Eastbourne, in the south of England, and came into contact with many teachers who were having a summer break at the YWCA Holiday Home there. Following conversations with Georgina and Minna, as well as informal meetings that were held, many of these teachers experienced evangelical conversions “and came back to London with fresh inspiration.” The result was that a teachers’ branch of the YWCA was founded.5
A major turning point in Georgina’s life came in 1890. The key person involved in this was Eugene Stock, a layman who had joined the Anglican Church Missionary Society (CMS) in 1873 and was the Society’s editorial secretary. He was responsible for its publications, including its highly regarded and widely read journal, The Intelligencer. Writing his Recollections (1909), he spoke of how in 1890 he was “quite overwhelmed with incessant work, and was looking about for some remedy.” He was visiting a friend who lived in Bryanston Square, in the fashionable Marylebone area of London, and met Georgina. He had already been told that she was “well qualified to take up some of the literary work” at CMS. Her YWCA contributions were well known.6
In his history of CMS, Stock described how the CMS Publications and Library sub-committee members in 1890 “were adamant that they would not employ a woman.”7 It was, they insisted, a “preposterous” idea. Stock, while recognising that for CMS it was “a grave innovation” (since there were no women employed at the CMS Head Office in Salisbury Square, London), went so far as to ask Georgina to come into the CMS building at a time when interviews were taking place. In the sub-committee, Stock raised the issue of interviewing her. After initially rejecting his proposal, they agreed to see her when Stock said she was waiting in another room. In a dramatic turn-around, after talking with her for ten minutes, the sub-committee, as Stock reported, “resolved unanimously to recommend the appointment, which the General Committee confirmed.” This was an indication of Georgina’s ability, including her skill in dealing with difficult situations. In finding her vocation, Georgina was a pioneer.8
Salisbury Square was to be Georgina’s base for the next fifteen years. From there she promoted a vision of world Christianity, with particular reference to mission throughout the Anglican world. She was allocated space in the top floor of the building. After her appointment, and with encouragement from Eugene Stock, she recruited two female colleagues, Marian Brophy and Edith Baring-Gould, who worked with her in the office and formed a friendship circle. They were volunteers but were to serve long-term with CMS. Georgina, Marian, and Edith were deliberately placed at the top of the building to make it a “women’s section,” and Edith later highlighted certain bizarre requirements. They were, for instance, only allowed downstairs if they were wearing hat and gloves! Initially they were not allowed to attend prayers in the chapel, but later they could do so—as long as they came in pairs. This was rather difficult for three women.9
It was soon recognised by CMS that Georgina was someone who could represent the Society very well at big events. The Croydon Advertiser, produced in south London, reported in April 1891 on large meetings held over a period of a week on the subjects of spiritual experience and world mission. The Croydon Town Hall was used for evening meetings, and there were overflow events because of the crowds. Several of the best-known speakers at the annual Keswick Convention were there. One such was Evan Hopkins, known for the way he spread Keswick teaching on the deeper life among Anglicans in particular, through speaking but also through his influential books such as The Law of Liberty in the Spiritual Life (1884). F. B. Meyer, a prominent Baptist, and Robert Wilson, a Quaker, both of whom were greatly appreciated at Keswick, were among the speakers. Two women well known at Keswick, Blanche Bannister and Grace Hatt Noble, spoke at meetings for women. The speakers at events with world mission as their focus were a Baptist missionary named J. Gelson Gregson, Eugene Stock, and Georgina.10 Within a year of beginning her work with CMS, Georgina was becoming personally acquainted with some of the leading figures in the evangelical world in England and was communicating what was now her vision: mobilisation for missionary service.
A Mission Leader
Georgina’s leadership gifts were being increasingly utilised from the 1890s onwards, with a focus being the inspiration she offered to other women and to young people. Writing in 1912 about “The contribution of Women to the Home Work of CMS,” Georgina chronicled the launch in 1890 (at her initiative, which she did not mention) of the Sowers’ Band, which was to connect young people with CMS. It was accompanied by a magazine, The Children’s World. The (already existing) adult version of the Band was the Gleaners’ Union, which had been founded in 1886 for “prayer and work”; to glean from Scriptures about mission; to glean knowledge of the world situation and, in particular, CMS involvement; to glean by raising money; and to seek blessing for missionaries. Associated with the Gleaners’ Union was the magazine the Church Missionary Gleaner (the Gleaner), which Georgina began to edit from 1890. It carried substantial articles and extensive news. Another aspect of her leadership was the launch of a new magazine, Awake. Georgina noted that five years after the foundation of the Gleaners’ Union, by far the majority of about 1,000 local secretaries of the Union (with its 70,000 members) were women, and at CMS prayer meetings there was a significant preponderance of women.11
Within CMS, Georgina was not only an editor but increasingly a strategist in the field of world Christianity. Her way of operating was characterised by imaginative initiatives, careful administration, personal warmth that enabled the forming of relationships, and effective communication. All of this helped her in communicating a vision: mobilisation for missionary service. In the 1890s Georgina was giving considerable time to speaking and writing alongside her editorial work. In 1892 the Intelligencer drew attention to Georgina’s book for young people, Light on our Lessons; or, “What is the Use?” (1892). It sold out within a few weeks of publication but would be reprinted. It also recommended Georgina’s forthcoming What’s O’Clock? (meaning, What’s the time?).12 These were communicative and well-illustrated. Her talks were especially intended to inspire young women. In 1893, as an example, she gave a message on Acts 2:18 (“on my servants, both men and women, I will pour out my Spirit”), arguing that women were “endowed” with “the gifts of the Holy Spirit for God’s service.” She outlined several women mentioned as part of the NT church after Pentecost, including Phoebe, Priscilla, Phillip’s daughters, Persis, Dorcas, Lydia, Lois, and Eunice.13
Each summer, at the Keswick Convention, Georgina and also Minna (who was working for the YWCA and CMS) became well-known figures, especially at the missionary meetings. In part through contacts made at Keswick, Georgina met those who had a particular vision for women studying at colleges and universities to be drawn into the area of world mission. The British Student Volunteer Missionary Union (SVMU) was founded in 1892 with three hundred members. Georgina was keen to support this development and also the growing movement among colleges—the British College Christian Union, which became the Student Christian Movement (SCM).14 In 1894, May Hodges became travelling secretary for women’s colleges, largely due to Georgina. Georgina wrote to Louis Byrde, the first British secretary of SVMU, about “a remarkable movement on foot just now among the women students of the various colleges—it is small as yet but of vital importance. They wish, at a large meeting shortly to be held, to develop the SVMU and have asked me to address them.” Among these women was Ruth Rouse, who became a significant student leader. The meeting was held, and Byrde apologised to Georgina for landing so much work on her. She replied: “Yes, I am busy, but this work is very near to my heart and as long as you need such help as I can give, please claim it freely.” 15 Georgina became a mentor to many younger women.
In August 1895, the Intelligencer’s editorial spoke about a new CMS development: a Women’s Department had been created with Georgina Gollock appointed by the CMS General Committee as Lady Secretary and given the task of shaping and leading the Department. (It noted that within the CMS structure she was an Assistant Secretary.) The editorial paid tribute to the way in which, over her five years in the Editorial Department, Georgina had “contributed to greater understanding” among supporters of CMS of the Society’s “principles and methods.” The whole of CMS, including missionaries with the Society, had “learned to put confidence” in what Georgina said and did. She had not made her mark on her own, the editorial added, but had “gathered around her volunteer ladies who render important help in many ways.”16 It was leadership in this area of CMS to which Georgina now gave her energy, while continuing to connect with wider interdenominational life, especially with students, who became a growing constituency in this period.
A Pioneering Female Missiologist
A large International Students’ Missionary Conference was held in Liverpool from 1–5 January 1896, a year after the formation of the World Student Christian Federation. The conference theme was “Make Jesus King.” 715 university and college students attended, from twenty-three countries.17 The Cambridge colleges provided the largest group, with 111 students, indicative of the considerable interest there was among Cambridge students in world mission. Among these were female students from the women’s colleges in Cambridge.18 Out of the total 715 attendees, 131 were women. The main speakers (over forty) were well known in Keswick and missionary circles, including C. T. Studd, one of the famous “Cambridge Seven” who went to China with the China Inland Mission (CIM).19 Georgina was the only woman to address a main evening session of the conference. As she began, she said she believed God had “some word of personal meaning for someone among the students, and especially the women students here tonight.” Her message was entitled “For me to live is Christ” (Phil 1:21), which she called “the deepest consecration text in the whole of the Bible.” She spoke about Paul’s secret, expressed in these words, as being available to everyone who could “in the presence of God, underline that text and write his or her name against it in solemn covenant.”20
Georgina was committed to thorough preparation for overseas service, a subject she often wrote and spoke about. For her Liverpool student audience, she had a particular focus. Give priority, she urged, “to the deepening of your inner life with your Lord.” Going back to her text, she took “for me to live is Christ” not as a statement about “success,” or even “missionary work” itself, but about Christ. The spiritual relationship needed to be nurtured. The missionary, she insisted, did not experience a “mantle of grace” in going overseas. If a missionary’s “spiritual life depends on external aids,” she argued, there would be failure. Her remedy was “the steady habit of daily and deep communion.” She said she knew something of life in women’s colleges and wanted to address women considering service, while men in the audience could “gather up some crumbs” from her message. “Unless Christ is your life, do not,” she stated, “become a Student Volunteer.” Nevertheless, she was convinced there were many ministries available, including work among the poor. Such service might be seen as throwing away academic talents, but Jesus served “outcasts.” Georgina concluded, “You cannot do better than to throw yourself away like that.” The Intelligencer spoke of the conference being “deeply moved” by Georgina’s address, and the next speaker, A. T. Pierson, an American who was an elder statesman of the student missionary movement, announced he would “throw aside the address he had prepared and just speak from his heart on the work of the Holy Spirit.”21 In the area of world mission, Georgina was now established as the most significant female thinker and speaker of her generation.
By 1905, after fifteen years at CMS, Georgina was exhausted. She resigned from her post and took time out of speaking to write. Ultimately her books numbered over twenty. In 1908, a book she had been thinking about for some time, The Vocation of Women, was published. She saw vocation as primarily a call by God “into fellowship with his purpose and correspondence with his will.” She examined examples from the Old and New Testaments and from church history. She highlighted full commitment to callings in teaching, business life, or being a wife and mother. In business, Georgina was delighted that there were “women as saleswomen and accountants,” and women who were “supervising work as forewomen, heads of departments and inspectresses.” For her, there was much “spiritual possibility” in the three “great professions”: medical, scholastic, and literary. No doubt with a sense of her own vocation, she wrote: “The woman who writes and edits can move thousands whom she has never seen and counteract the strongest influence working against holiness and truth.” In a deeply theological statement, she wrote: “Women are invited to lay before God the treasures of their womanhood which Christ has liberated by His incarnation and His cross and to ask, what would God want me to do?”22
Georgina had fully regained her energy by the time of the World Missionary Conference held in Edinburgh in 1910. This has been recognised as a pivotal event in the history of world Christianity. Through it, Georgina became part of a pioneering venture in missiology. This happened with the launch of the International Review of Missions (IRM) in 1912, with J. H. Oldham as editor and Georgina as assistant editor. It was the official organ of the Continuation Committee that came out of Edinburgh 1910. IRM was the first mission journal of its kind in English, and as Brian Stanley has argued, it was the “most significant and enduring means” through which missionary study flowed out from Edinburgh. Through it, there were new opportunities “especially for women.”23 Georgina brought to the task at IRM her capacity for hard work, her intellectual power, and a generous personality.24 The work involved commissioning articles, looking out for books to commission reviews on, and editing. Kenneth Scott Latourette, at Yale University, commented on “the able editorship of Oldham and his co-editor Georgina Gollock.” They had produced a journal “for the discussion on a high intellectual level of problems and issues which concerned the entire world mission of the Church.”25 There could hardly be a better summing up of Georgina’s role as a pioneering female missiologist.
A Christian Internationalist
Articles written by Georgina on international issues were a feature of IRM. After the First World War, which she described as a terrible experience for those in the world mission movement whose hearts “had room for all the nations,” she issued a challenge in the January 1919 IRM to look to the future. She spoke with appreciation of those who came from poor backgrounds and who became significant in mission through prayer and dedicated service. Her article then considered how workers of the future might take advantage of the greater opportunities she saw now being open as new “tides of life” (for instance through education) were sweeping across societies.26 A year later she wrote on “The Church in the Mission Field,” reporting primarily on national mission work rather than that undertaken by foreign missionaries. In China, for instance, over the period of the war the number of employed church workers had risen from 253,210 to 312,970. As an example of Christian leadership in Japan, Christians had led in nationwide social campaigns. India was stimulated to organise evangelistic work by what churches in Japan and China were doing. Georgina was clear that that “Christian communities in the mission field” were the ones to take responsibility for “the shaping of the church life of their country.”27
From 1921 to 1927, Georgina worked under the auspices of the International Missionary Council (IMC) formed in 1921, a body which can be understood as an expression of Christian internationalism.28 As has been seen, a broader vision had been present in Georgina’s thinking from her early involvement in the YWCA onwards. As an Irish person who had moved to England, she was an instinctive internationalist. Her experience at CMS and then at the World Missionary Conference strengthened this outlook. Through the IMC, her links expanded further. The Church of Ireland Gazette was pleased to report in 1921 that Georgina was one of the secretaries of this new Council, which was going to seek to address a wide range of issues connected with Christian mission, including education, training, and the relationships of missionaries to the churches overseas.29 Georgina gave her creative energy to fulfilling the aims of the IMC.
At the same time, Georgina continued her commitment to the Church of England. In 1922, she was a speaker at the Canterbury Diocese Missionary Festival and averred (to applause) that the power of Christian mission was “stronger than all the splendid work of the League of Nations.” Other Festival speakers included John Steward, Bishop of Melanesia, and Randall Davidson, Archbishop of Canterbury, who saw the size of the audiences as “part of a general awakening to mission work.”30 In the following year, an IMC Consultation was held in Oxford. Fifteen countries were represented. Georgina contributed to discussions regarding changes in global mission and their bearing on missionary training. A major theme, against the background of theological tensions in the period, was the quest “to develop the sphere and practice of co-operation” in mission. Specific responses included affirming an obligation “to proclaim the Gospel of Christ in all the world” and a commitment to promoting religious freedom and self-determination for churches in traditional mission fields. There was support for African Americans and American-educated Africans serving as missionaries. Colonial authorities, fearing independence movements, often opposed this kind of internationalism.31
The Phelps-Stokes Commission, active from 1923 to 1925, was a major initiative in which Georgina took an active part. The Commission was cosponsored by the Foreign Missions Conference of North America and the IMC helped the Commission gain the cooperation of European missions.32 An African member, J. E. Kwegyir Aggrey, travelled to eight countries, becoming an ambassador for relevant education in Africa. He was appointed the first vice-principal of Achimota College, Accra. Georgina and Aggrey had a shared commitment, as Elizabeth Prevost put it, “to propagating a kind of Christian pan-Africanism,” and to “a bottom-up grassroots approach rather than a top-down European one” in African education.33 Georgina, an advocate of the importance of education in the mission context, collaborated in editing the report of the Commission. She was concerned about the almost complete absence in the first draft of the report of any criticism of White settlers and colonial governments, and voiced her concerns. She urged “a new kind of fellowship” between Africa and the Anglo-American world, one in which “the interests of the Africans” were fully taken into account.34 The international outlook was integral to Georgina’s vision of world Christianity.
This article has sketched the significance of Georgina Gollock at various stages of her life and work. Although there were different phases, a consistent theme throughout her life was the encouragement she gave to women. She offered leadership, spiritual counsel, and careful Christian thought. Her retirement, from 1927, was an active one. Several books followed. A reviewer, Garfield Williams, referred to Georgina’s “almost unique contribution in missionary journalism” over the years, and to her concept of World Christianity which, for Williams, was “so powerful that it changes your whole attitude to life.” He considered that “in an age where there is often so much to make the Christian despondent, it is a glorious thing to come across a book which strengthens faith . . . for the great task of the evangelization of the world.”35 The spirit which had marked Georgina’s address in Liverpool in 1895 was undiminished three decades later.
Georgina Gollock died on 30 November 1940. A wide circle of friends and colleagues, including women whom she had mentored, felt the loss deeply. There were fulsome tributes from CMS and IRM. Her many achievements and abilities were recalled. She was “essentially a pioneer” with “great powers of mind and spirit” and “dynamic leadership.” Within CMS, IRM, and IMC she brought “breadth of vision.” Her literary output was described as “continuous and extraordinarily varied.” In summary, Georgina was someone “strong in faith, richly endowed with intellectual gifts, tireless in mental energy, utterly devoted to our Lord and the spread of His kingdom” and was “one of God’s great gifts” to the international missionary enterprise.36
- Robert, “Foreword,” in Ian Randall, Georgina Gollock: Pioneering Female Missiologist (Cambridge: CCCW, 2023) vi. This book is my attempt to remedy the neglect of Georgina Gollock.
- See Georgina A. Gollock, Heroes of Health (Longmans, Green, 1930) 4.
- For the wider context, see Maria Luddy, Women and Philanthropy in Nineteenth-century Ireland (Cambridge University Press, 1995).
- For a history of the YWCA, see Lucy M. Moor, Girls of Yesterday and Today (S.W. Partridge, 1911).
- Moor, Girls of Yesterday and Today, 108–11.
- Eugene Stock, My Recollections (James Nesbit & Co., 1909) 157.
- Eugene Stock, The History of the Church Missionary Society, vol. 4 (CMS, 1916) 453–56.
- Church Missionary Gleaner (July 1890) 115.
- Edith Baring-Gould, 50 years in Salisbury Square (Privately printed, 1941); Stock, History, 453–56; Irene Barnes, In Salisbury Square (CMS, 1906), 136; Steven S. Maughan, Mighty England Do Good (Eerdmans, 2014) 340–41.
- Croydon Advertiser (17 Apr 1891) 8.
- Georgina Gollock, “The Contribution of Women to the Home Work of CMS,” Church Mission Review (Dec 1912) 714–23. In this respect Emily Manktelow covers important ground in her “Forging the Missionary Ideal: Gender and the Family in the Church Missionary Society Gleaner,” JRH 43/2 (2019) 195–216, but—strangely—while she refers to Georgina’s role, she does not mention her by name.
- “Editorial Notes,” Church Missionary Intelligencer (hereafter Intelligencer) (Dec 1892) 943. Georgina Gollock, Light on our Lessons; or, ‘What is the Use?’ (CMS, 1892).
- Gleaner (June 1893) 89; Intelligencer (June 1893) 432.
- For the history of SCM, see Robin Boyd, The Witness of the Student Christian Movement (SPCK, 2007).
- G. A. Gollock to Louis Byrde, 21 Sept 1893, cited by Tissington Tatlow, The Story of the Student Christian Movement (SCM, 1933) 56–57.
- Intelligencer (Aug 1895) 627.
- For the wider background to the Conference, see Dana L. Robert, “‘Make Jesus King’ and the Evangelical Missionary Imagination, 1889–1896,” in Global Faith, Worldly Power: Evangelical Internationalism and U.S. Empire, ed. Melani McAlister, Axel R. Schäfer, and John Corrigan (University of North Carolina Press, 2022).
- For more, see Ian Randall, Graham Kings, and Muthuraj Swamy, From Henry Martyn to World Christianity: Cambridge Centre for Christianity Worldwide (CCCW, 2022).
- See J. C. Pollock, The Cambridge Seven (Inter-Varsity Fellowship, 1955).
- Make Jesus King: The Report of the International Students’ Missionary Conference, Liverpool, January 1–5 (Student Volunteer Missionary Union, 1896) 91–93.
- Make Jesus King, 94–96; Intelligencer (Feb 1896) 137. See Dana L. Robert, Occupy Until I Come: A. T. Pierson and the Evangelization of the World (Eerdmans, 2003).
- Georgina A. Gollock, The Vocation of Women (Longman, Green and Co., 1908).
- Brian Stanley, The World Missionary Conference, Edinburgh 1910 (Eerdmans, 2009) 316; also Brian Stanley, “Edinburgh 1910 and the Genesis of the IRM,” International Review of Mission (IRM) 100 (Nov 2011) 149–59.
- Keith Clements, Faith on the Frontier: A Life of J. H. Oldham (T&T Clark, 1999) 107–8.
- Kenneth Scott Latourette, “The World Missionary Conference, Edinburgh 1910,” A History of the Ecumenical Movement, 1517–1948, ed. Ruth Rouse and S. C. Neill (Westminster, 1967) 363.
- Georgina A. Gollock, “Missionary Service,” IRM 8 (Jan 1919) 88–94.
- Georgina A. Gollock, “The Church in the Mission Field,” IRM 9 (Jan 1920) 19–36.
- Dana L. Robert, “Cooperation, Christian Fellowship, and Transnational Networking: The Birth of the International Missionary Council,” in Together in the Mission of God: Jubilee Reflections on the International Missionary Council, ed. Risto Jukko (WCC, 2022) 29/87 (3–29); Dana L. Robert, “The First Globalization? The Internationalization of the Protestant Missionary Movement Between the World Wars,” in Interpreting Contemporary Christianity: Global Processes and Local Identities, ed. Ogbu U. Kalu (Eerdmans, 2009) 93–130.
- The Church of Ireland Gazette (16 Dec 1921) 750.
- “Missionary Festival,” Folkestone Herald (14 Oct 1922) 10.
- Oxford Chronicle (13 July 1923) 12; Minutes of the International Missionary Council, Oxford, England, July 9–16, 1923 (Edinburgh House, 1923).
- The funding came from the Phelps-Stokes Fund and the International Education Board, one of the Rockefeller Trusts. J. H. Oldham was in ongoing conversation with British government officials about education in Africa. See Clements, Oldham, 220–28.
- Elizabeth Prevost, “Anglican Mission in Twentieth-Century Africa,” in Oxford History of Anglicanism, vol. 5: Global Anglicanism, 1910–2000, ed. William Sachs (Oxford University Press, 2017) 240 (232–57).
- Kenneth King, Education, Skills and International Co-operation: Comparative and Historical Perspectives (Springer International, 2019) 54, citing Georgina Gollock to Anson Phelps Stokes, 15 Jan 1925.
- Garfield H. Williams, a review of Georgina A. Gollock, In the Year of the World Call (Church House, 1927), IRM 16 (Apr 1927) 302–3.
- Minutes of the General Committee of CMS, 17 Dec 1940; William Paton, “Georgina Ann Gollock,” IRM 30 (Apr 1941) 242–46.